M to ‘be patient’ (eba le mamello). As one elderly grandmother said, ‘Nowadays, they just get married and no one stands between them. Because there are no likhomo [cows]’. Here, she reinforced the view that bridewealth creates bonds between affinal kin that make Abamectin B1a price divorce more difficult. Young people living in rural areas, or those who self-identified as traditional — or as one father put it, ‘sotho-sothosotho’ (meaning, very Sesotho) — were more likely to value bridewealth. For example, 42year-old Ntate Kalase, who had promised six ‘cows’, but only provided two before his inlaws died (which he paid for in cash), said that marriages would be stronger if bridewealth was paid. He believed that ‘men would be crying for their cows’ (banna ba tla Ilela khomo tsa bona), or working hard to stay in their marriages in order to keep the bridewealth within their families. Yet unlike elderly people who lamented the decline in bridewealth as well as the decrease in its monetary worth, ‘M’e Mapole, a young mother, was realistic about the current economic constraints young people faced, while still seeing value in the symbolic exchange: Paying likhomo [cows] doesn’t mean the kraal should be full of them. But, if you have paid for one, it’s enough. Even if it wasn’t the same as in the past, but it should be paid. Because most of the people can’t pay that amount that was paid in the past. There are few people who can pay that now.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptJ R Anthropol Inst. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 08.BlockPageWhile all of the elderly caregivers had received some bridewealth at the time of their marriages, only a handful of young parents had received any. Several young adults told me that they did not view bridewealth as important, that it was a drain on resources, and that a couple could marry without it. Newly married ‘M’e Masenate, aged 19, who was having problems with her husband, told me that divorce was unrelated to bridewealth and that ‘if you feel like going you must go’, but that ‘the old people were always saying you should go back and sit down and solve the problems’. Decline in bridewealth among young people was often explained to me in social terms, yet in reality, very few young married couples have access to the necessary surplus wealth that was previously the result of both labour opportunities and the bridewealth exchanges of close kin. As Turkon (2003) notes in his study of cattle in Lesotho, idealized patterns of bridewealth are seldom practised anymore, and current bridewealth CBIC2 price practices utilize a variety of strategies in negotiating this tradition. Of course, idealized practices are rarely followed closely, and marriage patterns do not have to be commonly observed in order to be mobilized to assert kinship claims. Yet, bridewealth payments of any size were previously the norm and are increasingly the exception, retreating even further from the practice in its idealized form. Despite these changing attitudes and practices around bridewealth, as a cultural ideal it still carries weight when caregivers are negotiating for the rights to foster orphans. Such negotiations are strategically used by caregivers when there is disagreement or insecurity about the relationship of the child to the caregiver or the location of care. In these cases, quality of care, which is closely linked to willingness to provide care, was the deciding factor in finding a home for the children. C.M to ‘be patient’ (eba le mamello). As one elderly grandmother said, ‘Nowadays, they just get married and no one stands between them. Because there are no likhomo [cows]’. Here, she reinforced the view that bridewealth creates bonds between affinal kin that make divorce more difficult. Young people living in rural areas, or those who self-identified as traditional — or as one father put it, ‘sotho-sothosotho’ (meaning, very Sesotho) — were more likely to value bridewealth. For example, 42year-old Ntate Kalase, who had promised six ‘cows’, but only provided two before his inlaws died (which he paid for in cash), said that marriages would be stronger if bridewealth was paid. He believed that ‘men would be crying for their cows’ (banna ba tla Ilela khomo tsa bona), or working hard to stay in their marriages in order to keep the bridewealth within their families. Yet unlike elderly people who lamented the decline in bridewealth as well as the decrease in its monetary worth, ‘M’e Mapole, a young mother, was realistic about the current economic constraints young people faced, while still seeing value in the symbolic exchange: Paying likhomo [cows] doesn’t mean the kraal should be full of them. But, if you have paid for one, it’s enough. Even if it wasn’t the same as in the past, but it should be paid. Because most of the people can’t pay that amount that was paid in the past. There are few people who can pay that now.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptJ R Anthropol Inst. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 08.BlockPageWhile all of the elderly caregivers had received some bridewealth at the time of their marriages, only a handful of young parents had received any. Several young adults told me that they did not view bridewealth as important, that it was a drain on resources, and that a couple could marry without it. Newly married ‘M’e Masenate, aged 19, who was having problems with her husband, told me that divorce was unrelated to bridewealth and that ‘if you feel like going you must go’, but that ‘the old people were always saying you should go back and sit down and solve the problems’. Decline in bridewealth among young people was often explained to me in social terms, yet in reality, very few young married couples have access to the necessary surplus wealth that was previously the result of both labour opportunities and the bridewealth exchanges of close kin. As Turkon (2003) notes in his study of cattle in Lesotho, idealized patterns of bridewealth are seldom practised anymore, and current bridewealth practices utilize a variety of strategies in negotiating this tradition. Of course, idealized practices are rarely followed closely, and marriage patterns do not have to be commonly observed in order to be mobilized to assert kinship claims. Yet, bridewealth payments of any size were previously the norm and are increasingly the exception, retreating even further from the practice in its idealized form. Despite these changing attitudes and practices around bridewealth, as a cultural ideal it still carries weight when caregivers are negotiating for the rights to foster orphans. Such negotiations are strategically used by caregivers when there is disagreement or insecurity about the relationship of the child to the caregiver or the location of care. In these cases, quality of care, which is closely linked to willingness to provide care, was the deciding factor in finding a home for the children. C.
